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Cross-linguistic influence at the feature-level ? Evidence from Dutch-German bilingual preschoolers. How bilinguals are more monolingual-like than assumed / Antje Stoehr
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Cross-linguistic influence at the feature-level ? Evidence from Dutch-German bilingual preschoolers. How bilinguals are more monolingual-like than assumed / Antje Stoehr, in colloque "Bilingualism vs. monolingualism: a new perspective on limitations to L2 acquisition" organisé par le laboratoire Octogone-Lordat (Université Toulouse 2) sous la responsabilité de Barbara Köpke (UT2J), Holger Hopp (Technische Universität Braunschweig), Tanja Kupisch (Universität Konstanz), Université Toulouse Jean Jaurès, 19-20 juin 2017.
VOT production of bilingual children renders supportfor cross-linguistic influence (CLI) between a bilingual’s two languages, butit remains unclear whether CLI operates between phonemes or features (e.g.,Fabiano-Smith & Bunta, 2012; Kehoe, Lleó & Rakow, 2004). The presentstudy addresses this question with VOT production of bilingual preschoolers whospeak German as a heritage language in the Netherlands.
Dutch and German differ in the phoneticimplementation of the voicing contrast: German contrasts short lag ‘voiced’plosives with aspirated ‘voiceless’ plosives at labial, coronal, and dorsalplaces of articulation (/b/, /d/, /g/ vs. /p/, /t/, /k/).Dutch contrasts prevoiced ‘voiced’ plosives with short lag ‘voiceless’ plosivesonly at labial and coronal places of articulation (/b/, /d/ vs. /p/, /t/, /k/),but lacks the ‘voiced’ dorsal plosive /g/.
CLI causes bilingual children to prevoice German /b/and /d/ more frequently than monolinguals (Stoehr, Benders, van Hell &Fikkert, in press). The production of /g/in German offers a unique possibility to test whether CLI occurs betweenphonemes or features. If CLI operates between phonemes, no productiondifferences between bilinguals and monolinguals are expected in /g/.If CLI operates between features, bilinguals should prevoice /g/more frequently than monolinguals. Furthermore, bilingual children’s productionof German /g/and /k/ can show whether the absence of a voicing contrast at the dorsal placeof articulation in Dutch delays the acquisition of a voicing contrast inGerman.
Twenty-nine Dutch-German simultaneous bilingualpreschoolers (3;7-5;11) and 29 age- matched monolinguals named German /g/-and /k/-initial nouns in a picture naming paradigm. VOT was measured as thetime interval between burst release and the onset of vocal fold vibration. Datawas analyzed using mixed-effects logistic and mixed-effects linear regression.Bilingual children prevoiced /g/ more frequently thanmonolinguals (β=-0.81,SE=0.38, z=- 2.11, p=.035). Yet, both groups devoiced the majority of /g/tokens, and maintained a clear contrast between devoiced /g/and /k/ (β=22.70,SE=2.62, t=8.67, p
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